Uncertainty with two presidents in the country

Who or who feels favored by the uptick in murders, executions, uprisings and kidnappings that, in recent days, have devastated entities of the Republic such as Nuevo León, Coahuila, State of Mexico, Baja California, Zacatecas and, among others? , Warrior?

The response does not benefit Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who in almost six years has accumulated a black record of almost 190 thousand deaths from violence. Lack of capacity or complicity with criminals?

Many speculations cause a spike in crime before, during and now after the federal elections.

From the classic “fight to the death between the various organized crime groups”, which has become the most formidable excuse that the so-called rulers found to cover the failure of their stupid strategy of “hugs, not bullets”… to that other of the “baptism of fire” to the next Administration… the same, of course, as the pressures that those currently in charge of security — hehehe — would be deploying to achieve immunity and even to remain in their positions.

What is certain, however, is that as a country we have already entered the stage that theorists call interregnum, and that implies an uncertain scenario: It is a period not only of political uncertainty but also of great tension, with confrontations, confrontations, real accusations or invented, as we have seen in recent days.

There is political decomposition that evidently impacts the legitimacy of the position and the actions of the future President.

Is this already a power vacuum? A gap in which the diminished strength of someone who will soon stop occupying the National Palace and the institutional strength that does not yet exist who will soon arrive at the residence of the Federal Executive Branch as its six-year tenant come together?

During this period Mexico has two presidents. A process inherited from the old political system dominated by the PRI, when the opposition had few possibilities of accessing the government and the transfer of authority was a more political than administrative matter.

This uncertain scenario is fertile ground for the interests of the de facto powers — criminals included, of course — to sow their seeds to harvest them in the future.

And while that happens, the most defenseless population is the usual victim.

What is the interregnum?

The first monarchs of the Roman Empire were appointed for life by the Senate. When the lack of a king occurred, and until the election of a new monarch was made, the Senate appointed a magistrate.

The person appointed was called inter rex (among kings) whose functions lasted a handful of days. There were as many as were necessary, while agreements were reached and the vacancy was definitively filled.

Precariously in charge of power, the word inter rex caused the European monarchies of the Middle Ages to call the period in which the sovereign was missing the interregnum. There was talk of a “parliamentary interregnum” when the modern parliament recessed.

The interregnum, considered as the power vacuum, the space in which there is no one in charge, was experienced by the Holy Roman Empire during 20 years of the Middle Ages, when Guelphs and Ghibellines fought, some on the side of the Papacy and others on the Empire. , to find out who was the owner of the tambourine.

From this derives, among others, the well-known legend of the Pied Piper of Hamelin, parodying the Ghibellines who “raised up” young people to wage war and prevent northern Italy from separating from the Germans and finally joining the Papacy.

Plato used the symbolism of the “myth of the reversal of cycles” to explain the gaps between one and the other. According to the turn of times, there comes a time when they are reversed: the old become young; the young, children; Children disappear, and the dead are reborn.

Regarding Plato’s allegory, several scholars such as Julián de Marías have wanted to establish theories of historical cycles and political generations, which the only thing they have achieved is pitting the dynasties of power against each other when they feel that “the train has already passed them by.” .

The transition stages between one government and another have caused, to varying degrees, a lack of certainty in matters of domestic policy, finance and economic policy, which are not always related. They respond to different interests, often conflicting.

The worst interregnum, in 1982

For those of us who lived through it, the most difficult interregnum period that Mexico has gone through and that tries to resemble the current one, was that of the transfer of power between José López Portillo and Miguel de la Madrid , in the fall of 1982.

The international liquidity crisis, caused by the urgent impertinence of international financiers to collect credits from the Latin American zone, caused an economic paralysis of enormous magnitude.

What they made us believe at that time was that it was only a financial crisis, of “cash flow”, but they could never explain to us why no one wanted to lend to our Secretary of the Treasury, Jesús Silva-Herzog, when he was to the central banks to ask them to resolve it.

It was always hidden that what was behind it was the ambition of the financiers to acquire, at discounted prices, without interest and in a fixed term, Latin American natural resources, and to offer in exchange that the greed of the owners of money would be tempered. They were the same!

Instead of letting us know, by any means, the government proceeded to give them what they wanted, in terms of oil, petrochemicals, water, forests, gas and other second and third round concessions, enigmas that have only now been deciphered.

The old PRI unsheathed its jingoism in a masiosaresque manner and attitude made us swallow the knocker to propose the famous bank nationalization, as a master key to unlock the cash flow problem .

Neither was that the problem, nor was that the solution. As always when he wanted to act seriously, López Portillo cried in the Chamber of Deputies, asked for forgiveness and attacked the Mexican bankers who, when they found out, made a “ what face ?”

And they took more and more dollars out of the country.

Judicialization, very close

For a few days now, and after having dissected the electoral fraud, the unemployed wise men of the political troughs have been discussing the current interregnum of Mexican politics. Is it an absolute power vacuum due to apathy? Is AMLO still in charge, while Sheinbaum lowers his head? Economic, financial, oil, monetary, political, budgetary crisis, more corruption, unleashed violence and impunity of the ruling caste? Capicua!

The breath of electoral oxygen, they argue, lasts less than a breath. The majority in the Chamber, to support a complete nonsense: believing that a government without a compass or cohesion can not only put together a sensible and documented budget cut, but also hit the Supreme Court and the autonomous constitutional bodies, counterweights of an Executive. voracious.

It is said that there is not only nervousness among the members of the cabinet, as they claim not to act because no one tells them how and where to do it. And, on the other hand, it is assured by old experts of the intertwinings in Washington, New York and Chicago that, if changes are not made in the cabinet, this will not be able to move towards any safe harbor. That they need order and stability.

‎There is talk of a new interregnum, which is located between the months prior to the entry into office of the new Legislature, voted on Sunday, June 2. They specify that, between July and August, dates of electoral judicialization, definition of commissions, approval of the new budget. What better time for an interregnum?

The order is given: thoroughly attack the saboteurs who turn the country upside down, in the regions where the conflicts have originated.

For this purpose, anti-riot tanks, fire launchers, and other devices have been assigned to the armed forces and federal police so that the responses this time are forceful.

If the authorities do not want to act with that, the solution cannot be other than delving into the mechanisms offered by the interregnum process so as not to cling to something that does not work and look for an effective solution.

Has the time come?

Indications

There are those who point out that this time there will be no interregnum. That AMLO’s strength has not diminished and, on the contrary, has increased after the results of the recent elections. Also because Claudia Sheinbaum does not dare (yet?) to disagree with him, much less to confront him. * * * I register with pleasure that you have read this text. As always, I wish you good thanks and many, many days!

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